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Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthi movement (Ansar Allah) announced a maritime blockade targeting Saudi Arabia, a move that threatens to deepen an already fragile global energy crisis.
The announcement,
made on Monday, comes at a time when global oil markets are already grappling with severe disruptions caused by the ongoing conflict involving Iran, the United States and their regional allies.
With the Strait of Hormuz already facing major restrictions, any disruption in the Red Sea could place two of the world’s most critical maritime energy routes under simultaneous pressure.
The Houthis described the move as retaliation for what they allege is a Saudi-led “siege” on Yemen. The escalation followed attacks around Yemen’s capital Sanaa, where an explosion and airstrikes targeted Sanaa International Airport to prevent an Iranian aircraft from landing.
The Houthis responded by launching ballistic missiles and drones at Saudi Arabia’s Abha International Airport before announcing the maritime embargo.
In a statement, the Houthis’ armed forces said they were declaring “a maritime embargo against the criminal Saudi enemy, based on the equation of ‘an eye for an eye’, effective immediately” in response to what they called “an unjust and oppressive siege” imposed on Yemen by the Saudis.
The Saudi-led coalition has said it would respond with force and has begun implementing additional measures to protect vessels transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, a route that has become increasingly important for Saudi oil exports after the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz.
Saudi Arabia has also rejected the Houthis’ accusations. The kingdom’s foreign ministry condemned claims that it was imposing a maritime blockade or besieging Yemen and said it would take “all necessary measures” to safeguard its ships.
How did the Red Sea become so important for Saudi?
Following disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz due to the Iran war, Saudi Arabia redirected the bulk of its crude exports away from the Persian Gulf and towards the Red Sea.
More than 70 per cent of Saudi Aramco’s crude exports are now transported across the kingdom through the 746-mile East-West Pipeline, also known as Petroline. The pipeline connects eastern oil-producing regions, including Abqaiq and Ghawar, to the Red Sea export terminal at Yanbu.
This shift has transformed Yanbu into Saudi Arabia’s principal export hub.
Recent shipping data shows exports from Yanbu averaged around 4 million barrels per day in recent weeks, compared with roughly 973,000 barrels per day a year earlier. By June, some estimates put crude exports from Yanbu at a record 4.77 million barrels per day.
Saudi tankers heading towards Europe travel north through the Suez Canal, while cargoes bound for Asian markets sail south through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.
With the Strait of Hormuz already constrained, the Red Sea
has become the kingdom’s principal alternative route for maintaining global oil supplies. Saudi Arabia is also reportedly considering expanding its pipeline network to the Red Sea coast to strengthen this alternative export corridor.
How could the Houthi blockade disrupt oil supplies?
Although the Houthis have not explained exactly how they intend to enforce their maritime blockade, the announcement has escalated fears that commercial shipping through the Red Sea could once again become a target.
The Bab el-Mandeb Strait forms the southern entrance to the Red Sea and serves as one of the world’s most strategic maritime chokepoints.
A closure or sustained disruption would create an unprecedented situation in which both the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait face simultaneous restrictions.
For tankers carrying crude from Yanbu to Asia, passage through Bab el-Mandeb is unavoidable. The route could face threats from Houthi anti-ship missiles, ballistic missiles, drones and uncrewed surface vessels operating near Hodeidah and the Gulf of Aden.
Even vessels travelling north from Yanbu towards Europe through the Suez Canal may not be entirely insulated, as concerns remain over potential attacks targeting shipping lanes or oil infrastructure deeper inside the Red Sea.
Another concern is the vulnerability of Yanbu itself. Located roughly 800 miles northwest of Houthi-controlled northern Yemen, the port has previously been affected by Houthi attacks before the 2022 truce.
Analysts warn that successful long-range drone or missile strikes on storage tanks, loading terminals or pumping stations could directly disrupt Saudi export operations.
Shipping companies may also become reluctant to send vessels into high-risk waters if insurance premiums continue rising or insurers withdraw war-risk coverage altogether.
In that case, many ships could be forced to sail around Africa via the Cape of Good Hope instead of using the Red Sea.
Such diversions would add between 10 and 14 days to voyages, reduce the effective availability of the global tanker fleet and increase transportation costs, freight charges and insurance premiums, ultimately pushing up the delivered price of crude oil.
According to Kpler data, petroleum volumes moving through Bab el-Mandeb reached about 7.4 million barrels per day in June, up from 4.2 million barrels per day a year earlier.
Analysts warn that a complete closure of the strait could remove around 7 per cent of global oil supply from international markets because much of Saudi Arabia’s exports would be unable to leave the region.
This would add to disruptions already caused by reduced flows through the Gulf, where the conflict has already cut shipments equivalent to around 10 per cent of global supply.
Oil prices briefly rose after the Houthi announcement before retreating as traders continued to hope diplomatic efforts might prevent further escalation. However, insurance costs for vessels operating in the Red Sea have already increased due to heightened security risks.
What is the role of the Houthis in Iran’s war?
The latest escalation is rooted in Yemen’s prolonged conflict. The Houthis emerged during the 1990s as a political, religious and military movement in northern Yemen before fighting successive wars against the government in Sanaa.
Their seizure of the Yemeni capital more than a decade ago prompted Saudi Arabia to lead a military intervention in 2015 in support of the internationally recognised government.
The war has since developed into one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, leaving Yemen divided between the internationally recognised government based in Aden and the Houthi administration in Sanaa.
Despite the fighting, commercial vessels have continued delivering food, fuel and humanitarian supplies to the Houthi-controlled port of Hodeidah, according to shipping data.
A 2022 truce had largely held until last week, when Yemen’s internationally recognised government said it had targeted Sanaa airport to stop an Iranian aircraft from landing. The Houthis blamed Saudi Arabia for the strike and retaliated with missile attacks on Abha airport.
Senior Houthi official Mohammad al-Farah later warned that continued escalation could result in the closure of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.
Iran has long championed the Houthis as part of its so-called “Axis of Resistance”, alongside groups such as Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Iraqi Shi’ite militias.
The United States says Iran has armed, trained and financed the Houthis with support from Hezbollah, an allegation the Houthis reject. The group maintains that it develops its own weapons and denies acting as an Iranian proxy.
It also remains unclear whether the latest blockade announcement reflects independent Houthi calculations or wider regional coordination. Iran has reportedly urged the Houthis to shut the Bab el-Mandeb Strait should US attacks on Iranian infrastructure continue.
While Hezbollah and Iraqi militias entered the latest Iran war early with rocket and drone attacks, the
Houthis initially remained comparatively restrained.
On March 5, the group’s leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi declared, “Our fingers are on the trigger at any moment should developments warrant it”. Iranian commanders repeatedly warned that the Houthis could become more directly involved.
The group later launched several missile and drone attacks targeting Israel, while Revolutionary Guards Quds Force commander Esmaeil Qaani said on June 1 that the Houthis could choke off Red Sea shipping.
The announcement of a blockade against Saudi Arabia now suggests that possibility is becoming increasingly real.
What happened when the Houthis targeted ships in the Red Sea before?
The latest threat also revives memories of the Red Sea shipping crisis that began after Hamas’ October 7, 2023 attack on Israel. The Houthis launched repeated attacks on merchant vessels and ships linked to Israel, saying they were acting in support of Palestinians during the Gaza conflict.
Those attacks forced global shipping companies including Maersk and Hapag-Lloyd to reroute vessels around Africa, substantially increasing shipping times and costs.
Traffic through the Suez Canal has yet to recover fully. According to Suez Canal Authority data, traffic through the canal in 2025 remained 52 per cent below 2023 levels and was at its lowest point in at least half a century.
A US-led naval coalition subsequently carried out repeated strikes against Houthi targets while intercepting hundreds of drones and missiles in an effort to secure freedom of navigation.
Although Houthi attacks gradually subsided and eventually stopped following the Gaza ceasefire in October, the group last month threatened to ban Israel-linked ships from the Red Sea after Israel resumed military attacks on Iran.
That warning was never implemented, and some shipping companies had recently begun cautiously restoring selected Red Sea routes.
What happens next?
Saudi Arabia now faces the challenge of protecting Yanbu, safeguarding tanker routes through the Red Sea and maintaining crude exports at a time when its traditional Persian Gulf routes remain heavily constrained.
The kingdom may have to strengthen air defences around critical oil infrastructure, increase military operations against Houthi launch sites or pursue renewed diplomatic efforts through regional mediators such as Oman.
Meanwhile, diplomatic contacts between Tehran and Washington continue despite the latest escalation. Iran’s Foreign Ministry has said mediators have presented fresh “proposals”, suggesting efforts to prevent a broader regional conflict remain underway.
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With inputs from agencies
